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One 60-ish man, a former Fortune 500–company administrator, bragged, Sergeant McKee says, that his retirement plan consisted of having sex with as many prostitutes as possible. Most of the johns were startled to learn that the girls were not acting of their own free will—75 to 80 percent of prostitutes don’t. The men believed the ads, and the legend of the Happy Hooker. Each of them also assumed they were the one exception to the rule of the repulsive customer. Says Karen Stauss, the former staff attorney for Polaris Project, a D.C.-based not-for-profit anti-slavery-and-human-trafficking organization, “Johns don’t understand what they’re contributing to. It never occurs to them that the woman who is smiling is being abused. They really don’t know what’s going on—and they don’t care.”
As Scates, McKee, Werth, and F.B.I. special agent Grispino widened and deepened their investigation—Grispino traced the numbers of at least 23,000 calls from Paris’s cell phone—“it just continued to develop,” McKee says. Recalls Scates, “We were one team working together—no egos, no rivalry, which is unusual.” But, Werth notes, “Debbie Scates was the Derek Jeter of the team.” To prevent leaks (the offenders had law-enforcement contacts because of the bonding company), for two years the task force kept its activities secret. “The more rocks we turned over,” McKee says, “the more we found going on under them.”
In his checkered career, Paris alone, Scates says, had worked up to 100 females. “If we had a name, we did everything in our power to try to locate that person,” McKee says. “But because girls had ‘stage names,’ it often made them hard to find.” Observes Scates, though the economic circumstances of the girls varied and they covered the full racial spectrum, “a common theme with every victim is that they came from a dysfunctional home with no positive male role model.” If there was poverty of any kind, it was of the emotional variety. The men trafficking them also cut right across ethnic lines—Paris and Forbes are black; Kazimierz Sulewski (whose hideout was a suburban McMansion) is Polish; Ronald Martinez has a Hispanic surname; Christopher Fanning is white.
“It’s surprising how many of the females were willing to talk,” McKee continues. “It was partly relief about confessing, but mostly that there was someone listening. Detective Scates has a fantastic knack for being a good street investigator and for listening to people, but not too much like a social worker. She gives them attention and respect. That’s what broke the case wide open.”
Scates and her task force were “halfway through the case,” she says, when they stumbled upon sex-trafficking laws, recent, but little-known, federal statutes that have reclassified severe forms of pimping—such as those practiced by Paris and Forbes—as modern-day slavery, in violation of the 13th Amendment, and punishable by life sentences.
Introduced and signed into law under the Clinton administration, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, 18 U.S.C. 1591, covers labor trafficking as well as sex trafficking, but only when a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or when the person induced to perform such an act is a minor, under 18. Trafficked foreign nationals, who were the original focus of the statute, are granted an automatic refugee-type status, which allows them access to health, education, and housing services, as well as to special “T” visas, a stepping-stone to a green card. The T.V.P.A. also created a large infrastructure to address trafficking overseas, and a State Department rating system—Saudi Arabia, for example, is a Tier III, pariah country—to penalize governments that fail to meet stringent U.S. anti-slavery standards.
One positive blowback of the T.V.P.A. was that it brought attention to domestic sex trafficking—pimping—which follows the same models and patterns as its international counterparts. “The logic was: if you get weepy-eyed about a young girl in Cambodia, why not feel the same way about the girl trafficked from Iowa?” explains Isobel Coleman, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. Re-authorized in 2003 and 2006, the T.V.P.A. was updated again in 2008 with a bill introduced by then senator Joe Biden and signed into law by President Bush in December 2008. Ideally, the latest re-authorization will help to redress the fact that special restitution has not been readily available to victims who are U.S. citizens; help to remove from pimps the defense that they did not know a child’s age; and, advocates hope, help to transfer the burden of proof away from the victims—76 percent of whom suffer from post-traumatic-stress disorder and many of whom still have Stockholm-syndrome-like “trauma bonds” with their pimps. Says Karen Stauss, now program director of Free the Slaves, “Victims are terrified to testify. It makes it harder to bring a case.”

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Another guest wrote: “It’s a huge traffic of prostitution in this hotel.
“Girls are all from east Europe and asking you to hook up all the time. Opposite it’s police but nobody cares.
“There are so many pimps. Sick, sick, sick hotel.”
Another shocked reviewer warned: “Prozzies use it.” Another said: “We heard sex noises and genuinely feared for our safety.” And one called it “horrifying”, adding: “I would rather have slept in my car.”
On one adult website, a punter claimed in a post in February that he had £30 stolen from his wallet after ­paying £90 to have group sex with three girls at the Hartley.
Another pointed out an advatage of it being near a police ­station. He said: “The Hartley Hotel is directly opposite Forest Gate nick! If I run away from a pimp with a machete, I’m only 10 yards from the Old Bill.”
The cost of a room at the Hartley starts at £35 a night. Companies House lists the hotel as owned by a husband and wife who live nearby. Girls at the hotel are working as independent prostitutes and this does not break the law.
But offences would be committed if it was being run as a brothel with more than one woman selling sex. It would also be an offence if girls were trafficked or pimps were operating.
A manager who gave his name as Masood initially denied any ­knowledge of sex on sale. When told about Amy, he promised to investigate.
Masood added: “We try not to have these kind of people. We are a bed and breakfast. People come and go.”
Scotland Yard said: “Any allegations of criminality will be investigated where appropriate.”
Prostitution in Ireland: Selling your body and your soul.
A FORMER, well-paid HSE employee, Mia became a prostitute on Dublin’s Burlington Road, selling herself for €40 to feed a drug habit.
Six years later, aged 39, she left the sex industry so psychologically damaged that her therapist had a third chair in the counselling room. The chair was for Mia’s alter ego, ‘Lucy,’ the unacknowledged part of Mia who got paid for sex: “I suffered a lot of psychological damage,” she says.
“I had post-traumatic stress disorder for about five months after I left. I had a constant sensation of skin-crawling, and violent nightmares. Disassociation is one of the biggest symptoms of being a prostitute — you become a trapped mind in a body that no longer belongs to you,” says Mia, 42.
Former prostitute, Rachel Moran, whose book, Paid For— My Journey Through Prostitution, exposes the violence and exploitation of prostitution, says the majority of prostitutes disassociate from the emotional and physical nightmare that is daily life.
“When we were working, we’d often talk about the different ways women would zone out, and disassociate themselves from what they were doing — I never met a women who didn’t disassociate when she was at work,” she says.
Mia, who went into prostitution after developing an addiction to cocaine and heroin, disassociated for the first time following a gang rape in a Dublin hotel.
“I naively agreed to do a Christmas party, in an apartment at a well-known hotel, with another girl.
“There were supposed to be five men there, but it turned out to be eight. Everything was okay at the beginning, but then they started taking alcohol and cocaine.
“When we started to leave at the end of the evening, they wouldn’t let us go. They said they weren’t finished with us,” Mia says. The two women were subjected to a vicious sexual attack.
“It was frenzied. Their faces didn’t even seem human,” she says. Mia was injured, stinking of urine and covered in bruises.
“I was anally raped several times. I was bleeding from my rectum, because they had inserted objects inside me,” she says.
Injuries from assaults, and anal and vaginal fissures from rough sex several times a day, are common among prostitutes, while unsafe sex can result in sexually transmitted infections, such as chlamydia, syphilis and gonorrhoea, says Sarah Benson, chief executive of Ruhama, an organisation which supports women affected by prostitution and trafficking.
But Mia didn’t report the assault to the Gardai.
“I felt that, as a prostitute, you didn’t have permission to use the word ‘rape’, never mind complain about it,” she says.
Those six years were the worst of Mia’s life.
“I lost everything in the space of a few years. I went from having a job, a house, family and friends to selling myself on the street for as little as €40.”
Although Mia entered prostitution to feed a drug habit, many non-users become addicted to drugs to block out the horror of life in the sex industry.
“Most addicted women I met had developed it in prostitution — it’s the psychological torment of dealing with the daily reality of having your body mauled, poked and penetrated,” says Moran, who spent seven years in the sex industry, after becoming a prostitute at the age of 15.
Although the sex industry in Ireland is conservatively estimated to be worth €250m, the concept of the well-heeled happy hooker is a myth, says the writer.
“I never met one and I worked on every level of prostitution, from the streets to the low-end knocking shops and the massage parlours to the escort agencies, stripping and photographic porn,” says Moran, who was taken into care from a textbook dysfunctional home life, before becoming homeless in her teens.

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While the annual Cannes Film Festival has become famous for images of A-list stars arriving via yacht for star-studded movie premieres, the real drama is what happens on the periphery of the paparazzis‘ lens.
The Hollywood Reporter has done an expose on the sex-fueled sub-culture surrounding the glitzy film festival in an article titled “$40,000-a-Night Escorts: Secrets of the Cannes Call Girls”:
Every year, women ranging from what the French call putes de luxes (high-priced call girls), who charge an average of $4,000 a night, to local streetwalkers, who normally get little more than $50 or $75 an hour turning tricks in nearby Nice, converge on Cannes for what one Parisian hooker calls “the biggest payday of the year” .
The women ran the gamut, from full-time escorts to models to beauty queens, and they serviced men in hotels, on yachts and in the palatial villas in the hills above Cannes, police said.
“It’s all done with hand signals. The guys signal their room numbers with their hands and the girls follow them.” Shutterstock “We all look forward to it,” a local Cannes prostitute, who goes by the name of Daisy, tells THR.
Another source explains that the most beautiful call girls know to target the high-end hotels “where all the Arabs stay.”
“They can make up to $40,000 a night,” the source continues. “Arabs are the most generous people in the world. If they like you, they will give you a lot of money. At Cannes, they carry money around in wads of 10,000 euros. To them, it’s just like paper. They don’t even like to count it. They’ll just hand it to the girls without thinking. I know the system.”
Part of that “system” includes “yacht girls” on the 30 or 40 luxury yachts anchored in the bay at Cannes.
“Every boat has about 10 girls on it; they are usually models, and they are usually nude.” SHUTTERSTOCK “Every boat has about 10 girls on it; they are usually models, and they are usually nude or half nude. It’s drugs and drink and beautiful women,” says the source. “The girls are all waiting for their envelopes at the end of the night. It’s been going on there for 60 years.”
The envelope, presented as a “gift” to the yacht girls, is how most prostitutes get paid during the festival.
But not all women getting “gifts” are local, French prostitutes.
“The line between professional prostitutes and B- or C-list Hollywood actresses and models who accept payment for sex with rich older men is sometimes very blurred,” one film industry veteran explains to THR.
This year’s Cannes Film Festival runs from May 15 – 26.
To read The Hollywood Reporter’s full article, click here >

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By JON RABIROFF AND HWANG HAE-RYM | STARS AND STRIPES Published: September 9, 2009.
DONGDUCHEON, South Korea — It took less than an hour and $40 in glasses of juice for the pretty young woman working at the noisy bar to offer up her cell phone number and a promise that “the pleasures of a Filipina” could be had for the right price.
As eager young American servicemen from nearby Camp Casey started to fill the bar around her, the woman repeatedly touched a patron suggestively and offered a proposition as thinly veiled as she was scantily clad.
Juice, it turns out, is not all that is sold inside many of South Korea’s “juicy bars,” the seedy entertainment establishments that commonly cluster near the gates of U.S. military bases across South Korea.
Prostitution and indentured servitude are everyday realities at many of these popular hangouts for American soldiers, according to past and present bar girls, many of whom were enticed from the Philippines to work in the South Korean bars with false promises that they could earn legitimate incomes as singers and entertainers.
“If you don’t sell a lot of drinks, [the bar owners] are going to push you to go out with a customer to make money,” said Jenny, a former bar girl who asked not to be fully identified. “I was shocked the first night I worked there.”
And it’s all happening right under the noses of U.S. military officials and the South Korean and Philippine governments, women’s advocacy groups assert.
“Three governments are to be blamed for their irresponsibility,” said Yu Young-nim, director of My Sister’s Place, a social service agency that helps Philippine bar girls forced into prostitution in South Korea. “The Philippine government for not working hard to create job opportunities for its poor people, the Korean government for not managing and controlling jobs [given to immigrants] and the U.S. government for neglecting its responsibility to supervise its soldiers and for not helping these victims.”
Officially, none of what often transpires inside the juicy bars is supposed to be happening.
The U.S. Department of Defense has a strict policy against prostitution and human trafficking that requires military officials to “deter activities of DoD Service members, civilian employees, indirect hires” and others “that would facilitate or support [sex trafficking] domestically and overseas.”

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